The Dominance of the ANC: A Lack of Public Accountability

In South Africa, democracy came after apartheid. Inadequate parliamentary supervision, escalating corruption, state takeover, and misuse of authority and state institutions plagued the fifth democratically elected parliament (2014–2019). A dictatorship employed majoritarianism to thwart legislative oversight processes and escape responsibility from the legislative and executive branches of government. Service delivery has consequently declined in South Africa's multiple government ministries (Khambule et al., 2019). Local government in South Africa confronts a number of difficulties, including poor service delivery and a lack of openness. Public accountability is a crucial feature of local governance because it promotes community involvement and engagement. A system for delivering services from start to finish is local government. Effective municipal leaders are required to gain the trust and confidence of local communities in order to provide housing, water, sanitation, and roads (Ijeoma & Sambumbu, 2013).

Democracy and good governance in South Africa are in danger due to long-term erosion or loss of institutions, particularly government responsiveness and accountability, because of a lack of internal party democracy inside the governing ANC (Lotshwao, 2009). The Institute of Security Studies claims that there are at least five demonstrations over inadequate or nonexistent public services, governmental corruption, and a lack of citizens accountability every day in South Africa. Society in South Africa is not very trustworthy. The growth of a functioning society depends on its citizens having a culture of trust, both with their governments and with one another. When confidence in a society is poor, disagreements are typically addressed violently because people would rather withdraw into tribal laagers. The hostility between white and black South Africans from the apartheid era has proven intractable. Regardless of race, low quality service delivery, a lack of transparencies, and high levels of public corruption erode public confidence in government (Gumede, 2015). According to (Jager, Steenekamp, & L, 2015), the first top members of the ANC had ideals such as individual responsibility, ethics, and a sense of social awareness. Although the ANC has been the dominant party in South Africa since 1994, it appears that its leaders are run by a different set of principles. Growing corruption and poor service performance make this clear. In various sectors of administration, the ANC government has already demonstrated that it is both notably unresponsive and unaccountable; unresponsive due to a lack of internal democratic involvement; and unaccountable since the institution of accountability is under the party's control. The poor level of service delivery in the nation's local governments is a result of the ruling party's incapacity to meet popular demands (Lotshwao, 2009). There has been a wave of protests against poverty in South Africa since 2004. It has been widespread and severe, even emulating an insurgency-like scenario in certain cases. On the surface, the protests have been about service delivery and against corrupt municipal officials. Because to the ANC's inattentive, irresponsible, and self-serving elected office bearers, South Africa has experienced several service delivery protests in recent years (Alexander, 2010).

The Dominance of the ANC: A Tool for Corruption in the Public Sector

Weak political leadership, widespread patronage networks, rent-seeking, and corruption have all been present in ANC-led municipalities in South Africa, and they have all had an impact on the institutional functioning of the municipality (Nzo, 2016). Corruption has been detected in all three branches of government in South Africa. Although corruption and the misuse of power can be identified and prevented, these instruments are not being effectively applied (Kroukamp & Cloete, 2018). Corruption networks associated with the African National Congress (ANC) amassed enormous wealth both domestically and abroad, all the while operating with impunity, dodging or buying off law enforcement, and deceiving Parliament, taxpayers, and voters (Koelble, 2022). After 25 years of democracy, corruption has become a major roadblock to the nation's growth framework. Massive corruption scandals involving the ANC government have been ongoing since 1994, benefiting a select few cronies at the expense of the general public (Mlambo, 2019). In South Africa, financial irregularities, poor administration, and corruption frequently impede the provision of services. Violent service delivery protests are the result of ineptitude and inefficiency on the part of local government (Napier, 2018). Allegations of pervasive corruption in local government and a deficiency in public service delivery have sparked protests against the ANC-led Government. Numerous residents have turned to violent riots since 2004, setting fire to residences of unhappy local government leaders as well as schools and libraries. The hardship of the poor and the lack of service delivery in underprivileged areas are made worse by corruption, bad financial management, and cadre deployment, particularly among those associated with the ruling African National Congress (ANC) (Breakfast, Bradshaw, & Nomarwayi, 2019). South African politics have been dominated by the ANC ever since apartheid ended. Simultaneously, the party has been accused of corruption and misbehaviour by the government (Jävervall, 2021).

According to the Table 2, the ANC-led government has experienced several service delivery strikes as a result of poor service delivery, corruption, and maladministration in the local government realm. The ANC political office bearers disrespect the community because they think that the ANC will always have the ultimate power and control in South African politics. In general, South Africa is on a rocky path after the apartheid period, with news on poverty, crime, unemployment, inequality, economic greed, corruption, incompetence, and inefficient administration making headlines. Corruption exists at all levels of government in South Africa, including municipal, provincial, and national levels. Corruption in South African municipalities is accompanied by a lack of accountability, poor governance, maladministration, and corruption (Mlambo, 2019). Johannesburg was administered by an ANC-led administration from the city's first democratic local government elections in 2000 until the most recent local government elections in 2016. During the ANC administration, the city saw an increase in corruption and a decrease in government accountability, leading to a loss of trust in the government. The ANC's post-apartheid ascent corruption and the misappropriation of public funds are commonplace in South African politics, and no one is held accountable. For better or worse, corruption has been on the rise under President Zuma since the state capture fiasco, the Nkandla affair, and ANC efforts to weaken parliamentary oversight and accountability have all taken place during his time in office. Nelson Mandela's and Thabo Mbeki's presidencies were no exception (Khambule et al., 2019).

Cadre deployment as an indication of ANC dominance in the South African Government

The ANC's cadre deployment mentality is directly responsible for the subpar performance of South Africa's public services. Since the ANC agenda consistently places dependability over legitimacy and even ability, it is a real obstacle to effective open governance. In spite of their inability to properly manage their public offices, it is frequently believed by contemporary South Africans that persons with political connections hold key positions in government organizations (Isaacs, 2016). Politicians and other dishonest public officials frequently abuse the idea by prioritizing personal wealth, which is contrary to the legislation's original intentions. When formal credentials are not taken into account when hiring public employees and no assessments are made of a person's suitability for holding a public position, criticism of the cadre deployment method is valid. In many South African government agencies, these ineffective habits have resulted in subpar performance management (Shava & Chamisa, 2018). Evidence that more than half of municipal administrators lack the necessary qualifications for their positions supported the institutional collapse of the state through cadre deployment. Cadre deployment violates the Public Services Amendment Act and runs counter to sound governance principles (Qobo, 2019).

The ANC seeks to delegitimize not just the white opposition but also any concentrations of power inside the party that may undermine the leadership. The ANC approach should 'constantly strengthen its ability and competence in using and transforming power tools.' To accomplish so, the ANC required a "cadre policy" that ensured it played a leadership role in all centres of power (Giliomee et al., 2001). Cadre deployment is one method through which the party-state link is blurred. During Zuma's tenure, this cadre deployment strategy evolved into a personalistic system in which people who were personally devoted to Zuma were selected regardless of their abilities. When the deployment of cadres undermines sufficient political supervision, both the functioning of public institutions and the delivery of excellent public services suffer (Qobo, 2019). The increased deployment of politically connected individuals in local governments and other public organizations has a substantial influence on levels of government corruption. Various examples of corruption, such as the embezzlement of public funds and the underdevelopment of local communities, have been documented in South Africa since the inception of the cadre deployment program. Cadre deployment has exacerbated corruption and is an obstacle to accomplishing a developing state's goals and objectives in many parts of the economy (Shava & Chamisa, 2018).

State capture as evidence of ANC dominance in the South African government

The term "state capture" refers to the exploitation of public institutions for personal gain. Creating a well-organized network of corporations and individuals strategically positioned to redirect major state institutions' public interest emphasis and drain public money from state coffers into private hands. 2017 (Swilling). The ANC has ruled since April 1994, winning six consecutive general elections. The former liberation movement still has an absolute majority of votes, but in recent years, the number of eligible voters who have ceased voting has surpassed the ANC's support. The country has degraded into a one-party state, with popular support fast eroding. Jacob G. Zuma, his ANC group, and commercial networks perfected state capture from 2009 to 2018, resulting in unparalleled levels of corruption in South Africa (Engel, 2021). Evidence of state capture was so prevalent under Zuma's presidency that it prompted an official investigation by the Public Protector, whose report titled 'The State of Capture' was released late in 2016. The Zondo Commission of Inquiry was formed as a result of this, with various political figures testifying about significant mismanagement, corruption, and personal partisanship during South Africa's so-called "nine squandered years" (Fredericks & Jager, 2021). According to Dassah (2018), President Zuma's associates are accused of selecting cabinet members and key government officials as well as obtaining lucrative state contracts. According to reports, the Gupta brothers have significant ties inside the ANC and considerable influence in its procedures and across the state, and the benefits of their influence reach three provincial premiers (the Free State, North-West, and Mpumalanga).

According to Bhorat et al. (2017), the ANC's state capture conundrum is the product of a fight over strategic aims between constitutionalists and radical reformers. Proponents of constitutional change think that increasing governmental capability will assist the new South Africa in fulfilling its 1994 promises of equality and progress. On the other side, radical reformers think the only way to fulfill the promise is to destroy legally enacted laws. The political elite and former and long-serving bureaucrats from South Africa's transitional administration also use subnational institutions to carry out state capture. In 2018, municipalities spent R3.4 billion on consulting fees, the majority of which were awarded outside of the purview of traditional procurement procedures (National Treasury, 2019). A state-business nexus made feasible by the political class is the fundamental problem of state capture in South Africa. The government's political elite controls the currency and takes advantage of its economic development capabilities to maintain patronage systems. There was no urgent plan to close the socioeconomic gaps in the nation between 2009 and 2018 (Khambule, 2021). Eskom's situation in the state capture case is highly symbolic, emphasizing both the plight of the economy and the ANC's failure to provide public goods to the bulk of the country's impoverished citizens. Eskom is heavily indebted, just like many other state-owned businesses, notably South African Airways. By the end of 2019, Eskom owed $26 billion (Engel, 2021). According to Klerk and Solomon (2019), state capture in South Africa is comparable to a covert coup; a political aspiration made possible by the ANC's radical economic transformation goal.

Dominance of the ANC: Procurement System Manipulation of the procurement system and wasted expenditure

The tenderpreneur is a South African term for a businessperson who uses political ties to get public procurement contracts (called "tenders"), sometimes in exchange for favors or benefits. Tenderpreneurship has a bad connotation related to unethical behavior. The relationship was especially visible in state procurement procedures, as bids to deliver products and services were progressively handed to people with personal ties to the dominant political party, the African National Congress. Tenderpreneurship has been associated with tender manipulation and corruption in state procurement under Zuma's presidency, particularly in large-value contract procurement to provide South African state-owned enterprises with products and services (Piper & Charman, 2018). Municipal authorities ignored procurement business procedures and SCM regulations during the COVID-19 outbreak. According to the Central Supplier Database approved by the National Treasury (CSD), local authorities inflated several procurement awards, and certain suppliers were paid more than the amount specified in their award letter (Mlambo & Masuku, 2020). The theft of resources is attributed to clientelism politics and administrative involvement in tender processes by public officials; however, it should be attributed to a feeling of envy and greed in the desire to progress one's life and those around them unfairly and criminally (Masenya, 2017).

The deliberate under utilization of human resources while squandering physical and financial resources, such as procurement processes, skills development levies, and bribe payments, is all part of achieving the so-called "transformation objectives." Procurement methods were designed to protect businesses from specific groups of powerful individuals, according to Pravin Gordan, a former finance minister who resigned in 2009 (Verhoef, 2020). There were ZAR 65.5 billion in "irregular" and "wasted" spending by the federal, provincial, and municipal governments in South Africa, as well as ten of the 21 state-owned firms, according to the country's Auditor General's 2015/2016 consolidated audit reports. This year's total was more than twice as high as the year before. Corruption in government and severe poverty in the nation raise the issue of whether the high levels of 'irregularity' and 'wastage' are reducing the level of fiscal citizenship, or whether it is just a matter of people not paying their fair share of taxes (Tickle, 2018). According to the Auditor General's report, pointless and wasteful spending in 2014/15 was R1.34 billion, more than R1 billion more than in 2010/11, and illegal expenditure has tripled to R15.32 billion. Municipalities spent an additional R14.750 billion on irregular spending in the previous fiscal year due to non-compliance with Supply Chain Management (SCM) laws (Kroukamp, 2017).

Future Prospects of South African Political Space and Power

It is a new era in South Africa's political landscape. For the first time since apartheid ended, Nelson Mandela's ANC has failed to win most of the seats in the municipal elections in 2021. As expected, the political stronghold of the ANC in South Africa is eroding. South Africa's next general election, scheduled for 2024, is the focus presently. By putting together a group of people, it may be feasible to continue. Politicians are already debating the prospects for South Africa's post-ANC future (The Editorial Board, 2020). Corrupt officials, weak administration, and poor management are all problems in South Africa. The ANC has been the leading political party since 1994, it is currently facing disvison and fall in popularity. The party popularity in South Afrcian political space has dropped below 50% in the 2021 municipal level elections, and the future of Africa's oldest liberation party is gloomy. The ANC continues to be the South Africa's biggest party by a broad margin. However, it is becoming more dependent on local businesses, rural support base and groups from its past homelands to maintain its sustenance. Ramaphosa has been accused of ineffective leadership, the negative impact of cadre deployment on service delivery, and all-consuming factional infighting. Elections have become a matter of life and death. To an outsider, the ANC of 2022 seems to be a self-serving alliance with no clear concept of its purpose or South Africa's future (Cilliers, 2022).

Electoral democracy in South Africa has made significant strides, especially at the local government level. These include power swings in big cities, the fall and revival of major parties, different forms of youth participation, and coalition experiments. All elections have become referendums on electoral democracy. In addition to new campaign finance restrictions, a split between major political party lines, a loss of the main opposition and the growth of new political groupings, and a dithering government, the election's unique dynamics affected both voters and political parties and communities (Fredericks & Jager, 2021). South Africa's political environment is about to undergo significant transformation as a result of coalition discussions and the formation of new alliances. The general election in 2024, which might be the most significant since the end of white minority rule in 1994, could serve as a litmus test for what to anticipate (Maseko, 2021). In November 2021, opposition parties like the Democratic Alliance and the Economic Freedom Fighters seized control of several of South Africa's most major metropolitan municipalities. After decades of corruption, poor management of public resources, and poor service delivery, popular support for the ANC is waning. So, the ANC's vote share in the next general election might be as low as 49%, opening the door for the opposition to form an alliance and unseat the ANC (Müller, 2021).

The national ANC is severe peril. It views its adversary as the possibility of losing a national election to a coalition of its opponents, rather than any one party. In the 2021 municipal elections, its total support decreased to 44%, despite low participation. In reality, less than one in ten South Africans voted for what was once dubbed "the liberation party" (Christianson, 2022). The municipal council has legislative and executive responsibility under the Constitution. The efficient performance of these responsibilities is critical for a competent and developing local government. Managing a municipality, setting a strategic direction, and making crucial decisions are solely the responsibility of the council, which is the highest decision-making body. As a result, coalition members must work closely together to ensure that the council's commitments are met. As a rule, though, coalition governments are unstable and generally break apart early in their tenure. A local coalition's inability to enact rules and ordinances, employ senior leadership, and even approve a budget could have major implications (Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs, 2021). When it comes to coalition politics, there is a clear difference between those working toward a solution and those fighting against it. Anyone who saw the pandemonium in Johannesburg and Tshwane during the portfolio chair selection process might be forgiven for believing that the problem parties were winning. Even Nevertheless, coalition governments continue to be the best route forward for South Africa's varied difficulties (Christianson, 2022).